<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><feed xmlns="http://www.w3.org/2005/Atom" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/">
<title>Sayı 45</title>
<link href="https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12723/2453" rel="alternate"/>
<subtitle>Issue 45</subtitle>
<id>https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12723/2453</id>
<updated>2026-04-08T02:20:41Z</updated>
<dc:date>2026-04-08T02:20:41Z</dc:date>
<entry>
<title>Fooling the sultan: Information, decision-making and the “mediterranean faction” (1585-1587)</title>
<link href="https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12723/2062" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name>Gürkan, Emrah Safa</name>
</author>
<id>https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12723/2062</id>
<updated>2022-04-10T10:23:02Z</updated>
<published>2015-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">Fooling the sultan: Information, decision-making and the “mediterranean faction” (1585-1587)
Gürkan, Emrah Safa
This essay aims to show how information was used as a political tool in sixteenth-century Istanbul. By concentrating on the “Mediterranean faction”, i.e. Muslim corsairs incorporated into the Ottoman imperial system, it will seek to demonstrate how interest groups tried to manipulate Ottoman decision-making and strategy formulation process in accordance with their corporate interests. The economic rationale behind the cooperation between the Ottoman imperial elites and the corsairs required that Istanbul pursued a belligerent policy in the Western Mediterranean and thus invested in the navy. In order to make sure that this happened, the Mediterranean faction used every means at their disposal. Twisting information was the most efficient one. They fabricated rumors, produced false witnesses, staged mise-en-scènes, withheld relevant information and even detained incoming foreign ambassadors to keep their government in the dark, all in the name of convincing the Ottoman decision-makers of an exaggerated enemy threat in the Mediterranean which merited military investment. © 2015, ISAM, Turkish Religious Foundation Centre for Islamic Studies. All rights reserved.; İstanbul 29 Mayıs Üniversitesi Senatosunun 22.06.2020 tarihli ve 2020/14-5 sayılı Açık Bilim Politikası gereğince erişime açılmıştır.
</summary>
<dc:date>2015-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
<entry>
<title>Modern Üniversitenin Oluşum Süreci</title>
<link href="https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12723/1806" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name>Kenan, Seyfi</name>
</author>
<id>https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12723/1806</id>
<updated>2022-04-10T10:23:04Z</updated>
<published>2015-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">Modern Üniversitenin Oluşum Süreci
Kenan, Seyfi
Medrese, Ortaçağ’da eğitim faaliyetlerini ve bilginin aktarımını kurumsallaştırarak ve örgün hale getirerek yüksek eğitimde yeni aşamalar, uygulamalar, yöntemler ve kendine özgü ayrıcalıklar alanı oluşturmuştur. Hocasından aldığı belli bir dersin öğrenimini tamamlayan öğrenci, hocasının ona verdiği “icazet” ile söz konusu alandaki yetkinliğini kazanmış ve böylelikle başkalarına öğretim iznini elde etmiş olurdu. X. yüzyılda İslâm dünyasında başlayan bu öğretim izni uygulaması (icâze li’t-tedrîs), XII. yüzyıldan itibaren Ortaçağ Avrupası’ndaki üniversitelerde “licentia docendi” olarak görünmeye başlayacaktır. Yüksek eğitimdeki bu uygulamanın daha önce ne antik Yunan’da ve Roma döneminde ne de Hıristiyan Doğu Bizans eğitiminde görüldüğünü belirtmek gerekir
</summary>
<dc:date>2015-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
<entry>
<title>Realpolitik Please: Ottoman Religious Policy On the Eve Of World War One In A Letter From The Kadi Of Bagdad To The Sheikhulislam</title>
<link href="https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12723/1805" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name>Ürgüplü, Ali Suat</name>
</author>
<id>https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12723/1805</id>
<updated>2022-04-10T10:23:13Z</updated>
<published>2015-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">Realpolitik Please: Ottoman Religious Policy On the Eve Of World War One In A Letter From The Kadi Of Bagdad To The Sheikhulislam
Ürgüplü, Ali Suat
In contrast to most other Ottoman politicians of his time, he kept diaries, which are almost exclusively political in character, and his diaries and other papers survived in bulk, if not in their entirety. I edited his diaries within the framework of a PhD thesis and found among his papers a letter from the then kadı of Bagdad Vehbi Efendi. The contents of this letter I found interesting enough to discuss it here. The text of the letter, written in a calligraphic rıka hand, has been deciphered almost completely, with the exception of a few words which do not affect the message of the text. The Turkish text of the letter in transcription appears at the end of this paper together with an English translation and a facsimile reproduction of the material.
</summary>
<dc:date>2015-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
<entry>
<title>Istanbul And Kabul In Courtly Contact: The Question Of Exchange Between The Ottoman Empire And Afghanistan In The Late Nineteenth Century</title>
<link href="https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12723/1804" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name>Ahmed, Faiz</name>
</author>
<id>https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12723/1804</id>
<updated>2022-04-10T10:22:15Z</updated>
<published>2015-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">Istanbul And Kabul In Courtly Contact: The Question Of Exchange Between The Ottoman Empire And Afghanistan In The Late Nineteenth Century
Ahmed, Faiz
The aim of this article is to stimulate greater interest in a series of largely uncharted scholastic journeys—a history of encounters and exchange between the Ottoman Empire and the amirate of Afghanistan in the long nineteenth century. The Muhammadzai dynasty of Afghanistan (r. 1826-1919), though never falling under Ottoman rule, shared an increasingly warm relationship with the sultans of Istanbul beginning in the late nineteenth century.
</summary>
<dc:date>2015-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
</feed>
